An American Political Scientist in Israel: From Athens to by Paul Eidelberg

By Paul Eidelberg

An American Political Scientist in Israel recounts the author's conferences with a few of Israel's political and highbrow leaders after he immigrated to Israel in 1976. His publication unearths, for the 1st time, the wrong mentality of those elites and the way this impacts their overseas coverage. As a political scientist and pupil of the America's Founding Fathers, he offers a qualified critique of Israel's ideological and institutional flaws.
Eidelberg additionally offers an in depth account of Israel's financial and technological contribution to the USA. opposite to standard opinion, greenback for buck, the U.S. gets extra from Israel than Israel gets from the us! ultimately, Eidelberg bargains a treatment for Israel's woes. He first exhibits that even if Israel, is a democracy from a sociological viewpoint, it's not a democracy from a political-institutional viewpoint. not just does Israel lack a written structure with institutional exams and balances, yet contributors of the legislature should not separately liable to the electorate in constituency elections. working in Israel isn't really consultant executive lots as multi-party cupboard executive ruled by way of the major minister. Eidelberg has as a result drafted a structure that empowers the folk and is in keeping with simple Judaic rules.

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It is not mere vanity that moves autocrats like Sadat to grant frequent interviews to American television and other news media. The media provide the most effective means of manipulating democratic public opinion by ingratiation and the systematic use of propaganda. Ingratiation is characteristic of Arab culture. A social scientist of Arab birth notes that “The Arab changes his identity with little reluctance. ”6 “Nasser,” writes an American journalist, “was an engaging man to meet. He was equally endowed with natural charm and cunning, and he used his charm advantageously.

24 It may of course be asked why, if Sadat is car­rying out the pan-Arab goal of Israel’s destruction, there has been so much hostility toward his peace initiative in the Islamic world. Why do not all Islamic states fall in line behind him and employ what he has made obvious are much more effective techniques for isolating and dividing Israel? In part the attack is an element in the strategy, immeasurably increasing Egypt’s credi­bility in the West, making it appear that Egypt takes serious risks in its search for peace.

Their worship at the shrine of peace made them blind, deaf, mutes. In November 2006, however, Dr. Pipes sounded a reveille. An abundance of evidence as well as his intellectual integrity compelled him to abandon the position he had held for almost thirty years: the Israel-Egyptian peace treaty was a failure. Nevertheless, the underlying causes of this failure have yet to be revealed, apart from the pages of Sadat’s Strategy. Hence it is fitting to examine a slightly abbreviated version of the first chapter of Sadat’s Strategy the better to understand what follows in the present work.

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